Brennan laments the increasing popularity of genetic explanations for social behavior. She asserts that it is “not genes that determine social life; it is the socially induced affect that changes our biology” (1-2). While Brennan is surely right in some ways, it’s possible that she overlooks some aspects of the genetic make-up of humans. It is widely accepted across the various fields of genetic and environmental research that neither genes nor environment can be cited as the sole explanation for any human phenomenon. Rather, it is at the intersection of these two, called gene-environment correlations, that answers are likely to be found.
Two important terms in any discussion of genetics are genotype and phenotype. The genotype is the genetic endowment that an individual inherits upon conception—and is generally what people have in mind when they talk about something being “in your genes.” Phenotypes, on the other hand, are the way each individual’s genetic endowment (i.e., genotype) is expressed, and is largely dependent on the person’s environment. I’ve always thought of these as sort of a formula:
So, even if a “Billy” has all the right genes to be a 7-foot-tall basketball star, he may never bypass average height if he grows up in an environment that fails to provide him the nutrients required for healthy growth. Psychological researcher Keith Yeates demonstrated this phenomenon in terms of children's intelligence. At age two, the best predictor of a child's intelligence was his or her mother's IQ, and the home environment had little effect. At age four, the Mother's IQ and the home environment were equally important in predicting a child's IQ.
Genotype (inherited genetic potential) + Environmental Influences (home, nourishment, emotions)
= Phenotype (the way an individual’s traits manifest in observable or measurable characteristics)
So, even if a “Billy” has all the right genes to be a 7-foot-tall basketball star, he may never bypass average height if he grows up in an environment that fails to provide him the nutrients required for healthy growth. Psychological researcher Keith Yeates demonstrated this phenomenon in terms of children's intelligence. At age two, the best predictor of a child's intelligence was his or her mother's IQ, and the home environment had little effect. At age four, the Mother's IQ and the home environment were equally important in predicting a child's IQ.
Eventually, however, differences in children's home environments influence children's IQs beyond the effect of their mother's IQ. Other studies have found that a child's IQ increases when he or she is move from a low to a high intellectually stimulating home, and that genetic differences related to intellectual capacity are only relevant in high SES environments. In low SES areas, an individual with a genetic predisposition for intellectual endeavors may not have access to the resources and stimulation required for him to realize that potential. Furthermore, the quality of a child's day-care facility can predict his or her verbal intelligence score.
The same gene-environment correlations have been observed in studies of temperament and personality. Temperament is an individual's tendency to respond in typical ways, such as in response to social or emotional situations. Anyone who has held more than one baby would surely agree that babies show an impressive range of temperament. Twin-studies demonstrate a genetic contribution to an individual's temperament. The temperaments of identical twins were moderately correlated, suggesting that genetic endowment accounts for 50-60% of the variation in their temperaments. Fraternal twins' temperaments, on the other hand, had a correlation of zero.
The same gene-environment correlations have been observed in studies of temperament and personality. Temperament is an individual's tendency to respond in typical ways, such as in response to social or emotional situations. Anyone who has held more than one baby would surely agree that babies show an impressive range of temperament. Twin-studies demonstrate a genetic contribution to an individual's temperament. The temperaments of identical twins were moderately correlated, suggesting that genetic endowment accounts for 50-60% of the variation in their temperaments. Fraternal twins' temperaments, on the other hand, had a correlation of zero.
Proponents of the concept of gene-environment believe that genes and environments are systematically related--people with different genes respond differently to different situations, and people with different genes encounter different situations. Researchers hypothesize three different types of gene-environment correlations: passive, evocative, and active. A passive gene-environmental correlation occur when a parent provides children with their genes, and are raised in an environment shaped by those genes. A paranoid parent, for example, gives a child his paranoid genes, and raises him in a paranoid environment. Evocative gene-environment correlations are seen when a child's genetic endowment (such as her happy temperament) affects her environment. A happy, giggly baby, for example, is likely to be showered with more kisses, smiles, and hugs than a baby with an uneasy temperament. The third type of correlation, active gene-environment correlations, occur when a person's genetic make-up influences the type of environments he chooses. If Tommy is social, he'll go to parties. If Sally is shy, she might prefer a quiet night in.
So, when Brennan asserts that it's "not genes that determine social life; it is the socially induced affect that changes our biology,” she seems to be focusing on one component of a highly interrelated set of factors. Socially induced affect does change our biology, but surely our biology affects the social affect we elicit and encounter.
The battle between nature vs. nurture seems like it will never end. I agree with you though that it is a combination of both a person’s genetics and environment that predisposes him or her to a certain way. In a case of a child whose parent is a drug addict, the child may inherit genetic traits that heighten the likelihood that they will become an addict themselves, i.e. addictive personality. But if the child is raised in an environment that is not associated with drugs, they would have a better chance of not triggering the addictive genes. So you are right that Brennan only takes a one sided perspective to this issue, like many scientists do.
ReplyDeleteI though rather highly of Brennan's work, and as such, have been at odds to try and explain how she could have made such a blunder.
ReplyDeleteI think that her statement that "If transmission takes place and has effects on our behavior, it is not genes that determine social life; it is the socially induced affect that changes our biology" may be meant to capture the audiences attention by contradicting what we probably all (or at least we 3) admit--that genetics play a substantial role in our development. While she doesn't state this explicitly here, on page three she says that "The origin of transmitted affects is social in that these affects do not only arise within a particular person but also come from without". So in this rephrasing, the words "not only arise within a particular person but ALSO come from without" seem to indicate that she's not totally off her rocker--she's just positing that a purely-genetic explanation isn't accurate. So I think Brennan agrees with our line of thinking (which is rather indisputable, given the number of twin studies that have been conducted), she's just trying to *jolt* her genetically-minded audience out of their comfort-zones.
BTW, thanks for such an interesting post w/ the studies and the different kinds of gene-environment correlations. I think that if Brennan were to read this, she'd make some concessions :)
This is a fascinating post, and honestly I think I somehow managed to gloss over this assertion while reading despite it's relevance to myself. I've long wondered why a tendency towards rash, violent anger has run in my father's side of the family for the longest time. However, while I share the same hot-headedness that my father has, I've noticed that I'm a lot slower to violence - whereas his anger tends to quickly escalate into physical violence (grabbing people by the collar, slapping, etc.), my anger tends to escalate verbally and has only once ever escalated to physical conflict. Looking at this post, I'm realizing that while I probably inherited the "angry genes" from my father's side of the family, my mother's slowness to anger and the fact that I spent far more time with her than my father growing up probably explains why I'm a lot less physically violent when angry than my dad is.
ReplyDeletePerhaps I missed it because Brennan only focuses on a single side of the issue (environmental influence), but now that you brought genetic disposition into I think I'm able to see the issue (and myself) with a bit more clarity.
I think you raise a really good point when you remind us that we are products of both our genetic make-up and our environment. Although I agree with Brennan on many of her claims as far as transferrence of affect from one to another, she approached it from so many angles that her message gets really convoluted.
ReplyDeleteHey Kim. Thanks for posting up such an interesting and educational post. I was really fascinated by what you said about temperament and personality. I’ve done a little bit of reading about personality and temperament, but what I’ve read seems inconsistent with that you’ve described. From what I’ve read, personality is composed of temperament and character. Temperament is the configuration of inclinations, while character is the configuration of habits. Character is learned disposition, temperament the inherent pre-disposition. We are born with a certain temperament (fully determined by genetics), but character is learned (a combination of social context and your predisposed temperament). Is this conceptually different from what you’ve described? Or are we just defining our terms differently?
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